Külhanbeyleri Group

Külhanbeyleri were a social class that emerged during the early periods of Ottoman State. This class consisted of dominant, violent, and vagrant individuals who typically had no family or relatives. The group of külhanbeyleri, who owned neither homes nor businesses, lived and slept in the külhans—the fireplaces used to heat bathhouses. According to interviews and as far as can be traced from from literary works, this group gradually disappeared during the last fifty years of the nineteenth century.

The term “külhanbeyi” is commonly used in everyday language to describe coarse, vagrant, or külhanbeyi-like individuals, yet its precise historical origin and development remain unclear. Two primary sources form the basis of knowledge on this subject. The first is the work “Tarihi Yeni Osmanlılar” by Ebuzziya Tevfik. Much of the information in this work is based on anecdotes collected from a former külhanbeyi named Sami, whom Ebuzziya Tevfik met during his exile on the island of Rhodes. Ebuzziya Tevfik’s own limited personal observations also contributed to this body of knowledge. The second key source is the historical novel “Patrona Halil” by Reşat Ekrem Koçu. Although Koçu does not explicitly cite his sources, it is believed he had access to certain documents. According to both sources, külhanbeyleri referred to a social group composed primarily of homeless and orphaned children who were permitted to reside in the külhans (fireplaces) of bathhouses under specific rules. In particular, Sami’s accounts to Ebuzziya Tevfik offer rare and valuable insights into the internal workings, rituals, and daily lives of külhanbeyleri. This makes Sami’s narratives critically important for understanding the concept of külhanbeyliği.

The institution of külhanbeyliği emerged during the difficult period of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries of The Ottoman Empire's, closely linked to the breakdown of social order. In particular, the defeat following the Second Siege of Vienna in 1683 and the subsequent wars led to widespread political and social instability and moral decline in Istanbul. This atmosphere of political and social unrest created conditions for a growing number of orphaned and homeless children.

During this period, children who had been abandoned or left without families often struggled to find shelter. Many homeless youths, particularly those born from “illegitimate” unions and cast out onto the streets, found refuge in the külhans of bathhouses—the areas housing the fireplaces used for heating. Over time, these külhans became places where these children gathered and developed their own unique lifestyle and social structure. Known as külhanbeyleri, this group was among the most marginalized segments of society in the capital, Istanbul. These individuals, who engaged in no legitimate occupation and lived off others’ labor, disturbed society through their coarse behavior. As a consequence of this complex and difficult demographic situation, they led rootless lives. The institution of külhanbeyliği represents one example of negative practices related to orphanhood in Ottoman society, but it is also viewed as a reflection of the social and economic conditions of the era.

The lifestyle of the külhanbeyleri revolved around the bathhouse külhans, which served as both shelter and the center of their social life. These “külhans”—the areas housing the fireplaces used to heat bathhouses—provided them with refuge and a space to sustain their communal existence. In particular, Gedikpaşa Hamamı held a special position among külhanbeyleri, as it was regarded as the primary and most important gathering place within the külhan hierarchy and even functioned as an authority center for resolving disputes.

Külhanbeyleri led an isolated, rootless, and deviant existence. They had distinctive clothing, specific modes of speech (jargon), and behavioral patterns that made them easily distinguishable from the general population. Their daily lives were filled with rituals both inside and outside the külhan. In early periods, they were often occupied with tasks such as sweeping muddy streets during winter months. However, these activities were typically less about earning a livelihood than serving as an excuse to collect alms under the name “helva money.” They would threaten passersby with “making them wear a kaftan” by splashing mud on them with their brooms if they refused to give alms.

Inside the külhan, they maintained a communal lifestyle: they ate meals together and spent evenings singing songs, reciting folk tunes, and playing games. Their behavior outside also followed specific rules—for example, they often moved in pairs. Although their lifestyles changed over time, külhanbeyleri continued to exist as a group known for their coarse behavior and as a persistent problem for social order.

Although perceived from the outside as rootless and vagrant, külhanbeyleri had their own internal organizational structure and strict rules that maintained cohesion and sustained their way of life. Led by a leader known as the “destebaşı,” külhanbeyleri operated in groups. Certain külhans, such as Gedikpaşa Hamamı, served as central hubs of this hierarchy and functioned as venues for resolving disputes.

Admission to the külhan required specific rituals and conditions. Typically, orphaned children between the ages of eleven and fifteen were accepted into the group after undergoing a “test” and a “brotherhood ceremony.” A key criterion for admission was being without a mother or father—that is, having no familial ties outside the group—consistent with the group’s structure, which was deliberately free of external responsibilities. New applicants were expected to bring ingredients for helva and pilaf. The admission ceremony began with the new member serving food to others without partaking himself. Then, a special poem was recited, and the initiate swore an oath on bread and salt. A brotherhood ritual followed, in which a large garment called the “Layhar kefeni” was put on by two boys together. This ritual symbolized unity and solidarity. The külhancı (bathhouse fireman) delivered a speech during the ceremony emphasizing brotherhood, shared resources, and obedience to Layhar.

Külhanbeyleri also had their own unique jargon—a secret language consisting of approximately 200 to 300 words—that served as a crucial element distinguishing them from others and enabling internal communication. Within the külhan, food and other resources were shared, and evenings were spent singing, reciting folk songs, and playing games, sustaining a communal life. Outside the külhan, specific behavioral rules applied—for example, they typically moved in pairs. These rules maintained internal discipline and regulated their interactions with the outside world.

Külhanbeyleri, with their distinctive lifestyles and behavioral patterns, occupied a significant interface within Ottoman society. However, this interaction was generally negative. Their rootless and deviant existence, coarse manners, and vagrant behavior made them a constant source of public disturbance.

They developed unique methods to sustain themselves. For instance, during winter months, they would demand alms under the name “helva money,” claiming to be sweeping muddy streets. If their demands were refused, they would threaten passersby with “making them wear a kaftan” by splashing mud on them with their brooms. Such coercive behaviors generated fear and discontent among the public.

The Ottoman state did not remain indifferent to the social disorder caused by külhanbeyleri. The state labeled them as “outlaw” (bandits) and took various measures to combat this rootless and harmful group. These measures included issuing fatwas aimed at eliminating külhanbeyleri and confiscating their property. Their status as a social problem was formally documented in 1789 with a hatt-ı hümayun (imperial decree) issued during the Selim III period. This decree explicitly prohibited children from residing in külhans, formally recognizing külhanbeyliği as an unacceptable social problem in the eyes of the state. Despite state efforts, külhanbeyleri continued to pose a problem for administrators throughout history.

Although the institution of külhanbeyliği was influential in Ottoman society for a certain period, its structure and social perception gradually changed, and its presence weakened over time. According to available information, the “old” and original phase of külhanbeyleri is believed to have ended beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century. This transformation was influenced by the Ottoman state’s broader modernization process, the strengthening of central authority, and increasing efforts to restore social order.

One of the most important sources of information on the final years of külhanbeyleri is Ebuzziya Tevfik’s encounter with Sami, one of the last külhanbeyleri, during his exile on Rhodes. Sami’s life story and his accounts of külhanbeyi customs serve as evidence that this group had become a phenomenon of the past. The exile or social withdrawal of final representatives like Sami suggests that the institution of külhanbeyliği had entered its final phase of dissolution.

The limited availability of direct archival documents on külhanbeyleri makes it difficult to construct a detailed picture of their final years. Existing sources are largely based on personal observations, anecdotes, and literary works. This situation complicates efforts to fully understand how külhanbeyleri transformed over time—whether they diminished in number and dispersed or merged into other criminal groups. However, generally speaking, as the Ottoman Empire pursued modernization and increased security measures, it became increasingly impossible for marginalized and disorderly groups like the külhanbeyleri to sustain their existence. This transformation led the figure of the külhanbeyi to assume a different place in social memory, gradually becoming a character found more in stories and legends than in reality.